The noise has not settled down in the newspapers, magazines, and social media coming from those who are pushing for the idea that Andres Bonifacio should be declared the first President of the Philippines. Many years had passed since a petition was submitted by some known historians and professors of leading universities to withdraw the title of First President from Emilio Aguinaldo. However, up to this time the petition has not been acted upon and is likely to go through the eye of a needle because it would not be easy to disregard the decision of the National Historical Institute of July 7, 1994, when it rejected the proposal to recognize Andres Bonifacio as the first President of the Philippines.
The petition entitled “TO TAKE THE NECESSARY STEPS TO RECOGNIZE BONIFACIO AS THE FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES (BONIFACIO: UNANG PANGULO) was first published in the March 2015 issue of Esquire Philippines and then again in change.org after the petition was presented to President Rodrigo upon his election in the year 2016.
Those at the forefront of the above-cited petition are known to be supporters of the concept that our society is divided between the elite and the masses. In their point of view, Andres Bonifacio represented the masses while Aguinaldo, the elite. According to them, Rizal and Aguinaldo should not be recognized as heroes of our race because they were elites with selfish interests colored by foreign sentiments. They contend that only those coming from the masses like Bonifacio and Jacinto whose motivation is centered on the well-being of the country, not on personal aggrandizement should qualify as heroes.
The world had long rejected the concept of the elite versus the masses. However, in this country, this withering perspective is still being kept alive through incessant shouts and constant noises coming from the ranks of those using Bonifacio as the rallying symbol of their revolutionary struggle aimed at overthrowing the duly constituted government.
It is important to understand the justifications put forward by those who submitted the petition so that these can be analyzed and properly answered in order to guide the readers towards the truth. Here are the specific items of justification as lifted verbatim from the published petition in change.org and the corresponding answer to each:
JUSTIFICATION No. 1 - “By the time the Philippine Revolution erupted on 24 August 1896, the Katipunan was not just a mere organization but was transformed into a revolutionary government according to documents. And as the leader of the Katipunan at that time, he (Bonifacio) became its president.”
ANSWER: The Katipunan did not change, what it was at the time the revolution broke out, it was still is when it was established, a revolutionary association. The only change is that the Katipunan became open, instead of being secret. Following this argument, the title of first President of the Philippines should go to Deodato Arellano.
JUSTIFICATION No. 2 – “The fact was that Aguinaldo’s leadership of the Revolution derived its authority from having wrestled it from the Supremo of the Katipunan by his execution in Cavite in May of 1897.”
ANSWER: It is the opposite. It was Bonifacio who tried to wrest the authority from Aguinaldo. The province of Cavite was liberated by the combined efforts of Mariano Alvarez and Emilio Aguinaldo, or by the Magdiwang and Magdalo councils of the Katipunan. During the convention at Tejeros on March 22, 1897, a new revolutionary government was established and Aguinaldo was elected president. From here started the authority of Aguinaldo, not from wresting it from Bonifacio. It was Bonifacio who tried to wrest back his authority by forming a separate army, by not recognizing the new government, and actually fighting it, leading to his grim end. (see more explanation later in this article)
JUSTIFICATION No. 3 – “The date and the election that happened during the start of the revolution was corroborated by a draft document of Bonifacio’s appointment of Mariano Alvarez as overall chief of all the revolutionary forces in the province of Cavite dated 26 August 1896 in Kalookan.”
ANSWER: No election was held in the meeting on August 24, 1896, except the appointment of the generals who were to command the four groups assigned to attack specific sections of the city, including the appointment of Mariano Alvarez as the overall leader of the combined forces of Magdiwang and Magdalo in Cavite. The meeting was attended by a certain Domingo Orcullo, a representative of the Magdalo council who reported to Aguinaldo on what transpired during the meeting. No mention was made of any establishment of a government or the election of the officers, except the plan of the uprising, the signals, and the appointment of Alvarez and the four generals. (see more explanation later in this article)
JUSTIFICATION No. 4 – “ . . . the documents (archivo military) were important because they showed that Katipunan actually had a centralized working government. The different letters, decrees, and minutes from different chapters of the Katipunan and from Bonifacio himself proves that fact that the Katipunan as an organization by 1896 was in itself working like a government, a system which was already in place when the Kataastaasang Kapisanan decided to start the revolution and formalize the government.”
ANSWER: After the San Juan debacle on August 30, 1896, Bonifacio lost control of the Katipunan and lived like an outlaw for about four months, moving from one hideout to another. He had a few engagements but was unsuccessful. He expressed his frustration in his answer to the invitation of Mariano Alvarez to visit Cavite when he said that he was unable to capture a town to use as his headquarters or defense. The achievements attributed to the success of the Katipunan after the San Juan debacle are meaningless and unsubstantiated. (see more explanation later in this article)
JUSTIFICATION No. 5 – “. . . in the seals of the Haring Bayang Katagalugan, the term Kataastaasang Kapisanan is replaced by Kataastaasang Kapulungan, which also meant Supreme Assembly, but in a more stately fashion. In my opinion (Richardson), this is a way for Bonifacio and his people to distinguish the revolutionary government from the government of the Katipunan as an organization.”
ANSWER: Any word or icon could be placed on the seal but it has no meaning unless backed up by actual events or achievement.
JUSTIFICATION No. 6 – “ Jim Richardson clearly sums up the obvious: …in late 1896 and early 1897 the High Council did function as a form of local government in some areas, particularly to the East of Manila and in the Sierra Madre foothills. Its leaders both civil and military, organized elections, made appointments, planned and fought battles with the Spanish enemy, solicited funds for the revolutionary cause, and tried to deal with the consequences of the fighting on the civilian population.”
ANSWER: As in the answer to JUSTIFICATION No. 5, the merit of the claim lies in the substance and significance of the achievements cited, which were really never observed or felt.
JUSTIFICATION No. 7 –“. . the Katipunan government also had a diplomatic component. A commission-based abroad tried to negotiate for Japanese political, military, and financial aid and they also contacted the US and French consulates in Hong Kong.”
ANSWER: The only clear case of an attempt to seek foreign help was the visit made by Bonifacio and his companions to the Bazar Hapones to meet the commander of the Japanese warship, Kongo, in order to hand over a petition to the Emperor of Japan to intrude into the affairs of the islands and make it a protectorate of Japan. Nothing came out of the meeting and the Japanese officer did not take the petition seriously. (St. Clair, 213)
JUSTIFICATION No. 8 – “. . .the historians Milagros Guerrero and Zeus Salazar in different publications affirmed Bonifacio’s overall command of the Katipunan army and that he was the one strategizing for the Katipunan in the national perspective, in contrast to Aguinaldo’s Cavite tactical operations in the onset of the revolution.”
ANSWER: This is false. After the defeat at Pinaglabanan, San Juan, Manila, Bonifacio hid in Balara and the mountains of San Mateo and lost control of the various councils of the Katipunan. Once in a while, he would come out to raid the town of San Mateo, but unsuccessful. When he moved to Cavite, instead of helping, he became a hindrance to the plans and activities of the revolutionaries. He refused to merge armies with Aguinaldo to meet the advancing Spanish army or help Aguinaldo in the defense of the Magdalo towns were the first towns in the line of attack by the Spaniards. He even blocked the reinforcement sent by Aguinaldo to help the defenders of Pasong Santol. In fact, he became a liability. (Saulo[Emilio], 136)
JUSTIFICATION No. 9 – “In the February 8, 1897 publication of the “La Ilustraccion Espanola Y America” there was an item about the Philippine revolution and included was a picture of Bonifacio wearing a black coat and white necktie and written below it was: “Andres Bonifacio President of the Tagala Republic.”
ANSWER: Any foreign publication cannot be expected to provide reliable information about the Philippine revolution. If the foreigners’ inclination is to be considered, the letters of Spanish priest Pio Pi and Fiscal Comenje (include also the letter of Fray Tomas Espejo) proposing a ceasefire and peaceful negotiation were addressed to Aguinaldo, not Bonifacio. This only proves that the Spaniards recognized Aguinaldo, not Bonifacio, as the head of the revolution. (Saulo[Emilio], 130)
In order to assist in evaluating the above issues, reference should be made to the events after the Katipunan was established, when the revolution broke out, and also the last days of Supremo Andres Bonifacio in Cavite.
The Katipunan
Some historians give credit
to Marcelo H. del Pilar for the idea of establishing the Katipunan when from
Madrid, in July 1892, ". . . he advised the creation of
another association . . . which was to include the agricultural laborers
and persons of little or no education and instruction, but who directed in the
localities by the caciques and chiefs were to form an enormous nucleus which
should, at the proper time, give forth the cry of rebellion. He provided
minute instructions concerning the organization and forwarded a project of
regulations." (St. Clair,38) The documents that became known as the founding
documents of the Katipunan are the Casaysayan, the Pinagcasunduan,
and the Manga Daquilang Cautusan (Richardson, 6-38) It is not clear if these were the
same documents that Del Pilar sent thru Moises Salvador (Richardson, 24) together with instructions to Deodato Arellano (Del
Pilar’s brother-in-law), Andres Bonifacio, Ladislao Diwa, and Teodoro Plata to
establish the movement. (Taylor, 1:196)
On July 7, 1892, upon the establishment of the Katipunan (Santos[Bonifacio], 35), Deodato Arellano was elected president and Bonifacio as secretary. The following year, Arellano was replaced by Roman Basa through the intervention of Bonifacio. Basa did not also stay long in his position and was replaced by Bonifacio who was elected president in a snap election that Bonifacio instigated after issues were raised by Basa on the condition of the finances of the Katipunan under the custody of Bonifacio. (St. Clair, 43-44) When Emilio Jacinto joined in 1894, the policies, laws, regulations, teachings, and moral values of the Katipunan were written and publicized among the members.
Even before the outbreak of the revolution the Katipunan already had some semblance of a government because it had members, constitution, organizational structure, policies, rules, and objectives. If in truth the Katipunan was already a government Arellano should be called the first president of the Philippines if the standard of the petitioners is applied.
Not so, according to the petitioners, because the Katipunan during the time of Arellano was a secret society and became a government only after its discovery by the Spanish authorities. And since Bonifacio was the president at the time the Katipunan went out in the open, it is to him that the title of first President of the Philippines should be given.
These quarters cite Captain John M. Taylor, an American military officer who was once the custodian of important captured documents called the Philippine Insurgents Records (PIR), whose narrative of the outbreak of the Philippine revolution was made part of his introduction.
In his narrative of the revolution, Taylor says:
“The Katipunan came out from the cover of secret designs, threw off the cloak of any other purpose, and stood openly for the Independence of the Philippines. Bonifacio turned his lodges into battalions, his grandmasters into captains, and the supreme council of the Katipunan into the insurgent government of the Philippines." (Taylor, 63)
According to Taylor, the
Katipunan became a revolutionary government after it shed off its secret
character and came out in the open as a revolutionary
movement. Taylor refers to events on August 24, 1896, at Balintawak
when Bonifacio and the rebels met before staging the revolution. In
that meeting, the revolutionaries were divided into four groups headed by an
appointed general. The plan of attack on the city of Manila,
including the signals to alert the neighboring areas was agreed
upon. Four generals were appointed to lead the attack, namely:
Aguedo del Rosario, Ramon Bernardo, Francisco Carreon, and Vicente Fernandez,
including the appointment of Mariano Alvarez who was to lead the combined
forces of the Katipunan councils of Tangway [Cavite]. (Corpuz,48-49; Ronquillo, 30) The meeting was attended by Domingo Orcullo, the
representative of the Magdalo council handed Aguinaldo a letter from the
Supremo Andres Bonifacio dated August 24, 1896, announcing the plan to attack
Manila on the night of August 29, 1896, to be preceded by a signal which was
the putting out of the lights at the Luneta. There was no mention in the
letter of the establishment of a new government or the election of new
officials. (Aguinaldo[Gunita], 68)
Haring Bayang Katagalugan
According to the proponents, the Katipunan as a government proceeded from the concept of a nation (or Bayan in Tagalog) which means a conglomeration of people tied together by common race, language, history, culture, and aspirations. A territory is not needed, nor a state nor a structure of a republic to qualify a government to be such. It is sufficient that there is a conglomeration of people over whom the authority to administer can exist. And under this condition, a government like the Katipunan can come to life.
Within this context, they (the proponents) claim the Katipunan was a sovereign nation (or Haring Bayan), and the whole Philippines was part and parcel of what was then called the Sovereign Tagalog Nation (or Haring Bayang Katagalugan). They also claim that everyone born in any part of the Philippines was included in the Haring Bayang Katagalugan because the word Katagalugan did not refer only to the Tagalogs. The word Tagalog was expanded by Emilio Jacinto when he said: “ . . . In the word Tagalog it meant all who were born in these islands, meaning, a Bisaya, an Iloko, a Kapampangan, etc., are also Tagalog.” (Santos[Jacinto], 60)
The proponents conclude that the conglomeration of Katipunan members qualified it as a sovereign nation because the members conform to the characteristics of a nation which are set as the standard - common race, language, culture, history, and aspirations. This was the character of the Katipunan when the revolution was launched and it did not matter if the Katipunan held territories because as previously mentioned a territory is not needed for the conglomeration to qualify as a government. And since Andres Bonifacio was the president of the Sovereign Tagalog Nation he should be considered the first President of the Philippines.
Question: is the above argument valid?
No, it does not hold water. The above conceptualization is very restrictive because the nature of the Katipunan did not allow itself to be transformed into the Sovereign Tagalog Nation (or Haring Bayang Katagalugan) because the authority of this Katipunan government was limited to those bound by common characteristics previously defined as the standard. It follows that the authority of the president of this government did not extend to other nations (Bisaya, Ilokano, etc..) because its authority was confined to the members of the Katipunan, which by definition, comprised the sovereign nation bound by the common set of standard.
The expansion of the word Katagalugan as desired by Jacinto is inapplicable to the Katipunan as a sovereign nation because, first, not all of those born in the Philippines can be included but only those who speak the common language, which is Tagalog, and secondly, the divergent viewpoints and aspirations prevented the Visayans and Macabebes who served in the Spanish colonial army and also the non-Christian people of Mindanao, to become members of the Sovereign Nation. For the other inhabitants of the island to become part of this government, the Sovereign Nation must change itself into a state or a republic to truly become the Sovereign Tagalog Nation or Haring Bayang Katagalugan so that it could do away with the restrictive requirement of common race, language, history, culture, and aspirations. Hence, the Katipunan or Haring Bayan remained in concept merely as a sovereign nation; it failed to transform itself into the more inclusive structure of the intended Haring Bayang Katagalugan as redefined by Jacinto, and therefore, the presidency of Bonifacio in the Katipunan or Haring Bayan was not national in character.
The structural weakness of the Katipunan
But the more damaging
criticism about the Katipunan (also known as the Haring Bayan) as
a sovereign nation is the condition pertaining to the different Katipunan
councils which form the basic organizational structure. From the
onset, the different councils of the Katipunan were independent of each
other. These councils were separated, each one had a head, and did
not coordinate with each other. This fact was highlighted
after the defeat of the ragtag army of Supremo Andres Bonifacio at San Juan.
After the failed attack on August 30, 1896, on San Juan, the Katipunan broke up and scattered. For four months Bonifacio lived a life of an outlaw in Balara and in the mountains of San Mateo. He and his men, moved from one hideout to another, once in a while attacking a town, but failing to hold it. It is no surprise that in accepting the invitation to visit Cavite he mentioned that he was so far unsuccessful in capturing a town to use for his defense or headquarters. (Corpuz, 96)
In this desperate situation, why did not one of the several councils of the Katipunan or some of the 30,000 or so members extend help or took him into their care and protection? The casualty during the battle of San Juan was not significant enough to render the Katipunan helpless and its councils were still intact. But it seems the Katipunan as an organization suddenly vanished. What really happened was the so-called Sovereign Nation, or what is billed as the Katipunan government, never really came to life, even if it was already exposed because the organization continued to be divided and the president, the Supremo, had no firm hold or control over the chiefs of the different councils. The Sovereign Nation had a new lease of life only after Bonifacio moved and stayed in Cavite where the title Sovereign Tagalog Nation or Haring Bayang Katagalugan first appeared. But even in Cavite the so-called Katipunan government that was a creation of Bonifacio was never accepted or recognized.
There is no question that the Katipunan changed, but the change was simply from a secret organization to a hostile and open one. The statements - "lodges into battalions", the "grandmasters into captains" and the "Supreme Council of the Katipunan into the insurgent government" - were clearly Taylor's hyperbole. The Katipunan remained as it was originally constituted, a sovereign nation, no better than an association with its governing rules and regulations, but inadequate to qualify as a government of the Philippines.
Imus meeting - proof no revolutionary government existed
The meeting of the
Magdalo and Magdiwang councils held in Imus on December 28, 1896 (December 29,
according to Santiago Alvarez - VCL) was a confirmation that the Katipunan was
not accepted as the revolutionary government. In this meeting,
Baldomero Aguinaldo, the president of the Magdalo council, proposed to merge
the two councils under one government, one army, and one leader. Here
are important details of the meeting that were lifted from pages 2033-2036 of
the book of Zafra (also found in Corpuz,98-100 and Saulo[Emilio], 122-123):
"Ariston Villanueva, minister of war of the Magdiwang, said that his people were agreeable to the CREATION OF A REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT, (emphasis mine - vcl) but he suggested that the highest position should be reserved for Andres Bonifacio, the acknowledged Supremo of the Katipunan.
"Edilberto Evangelista, however, opposed Villanueva’s suggestion. He called attention to the fact that a great number of the townspeople who were not members of the Katipunan had joined in the revolutionary struggle.
"It is not right or fair," he said, "to presume that the revolution is an affair of the Katipunan only. The union of our forces will be useless if we do not recognize the role of our countrymen in the bid for freedom".
"The minister of the interior of the Magdiwang stood up and said, “We are in favor of electing the ministers but not the head of the revolutionary government”.
The meeting was aborted
due to the arrival of Rizal’s brother, Paciano, and siblings, together with
Josephine Bracken, who brought the bad news that Rizal was to be
executed. The agenda changed to a plan to rescue the hero but
Paciano disagreed because he believed his brother would not allow two or more
lives sacrificed in an effort to save him.
It is clear from what had transpired during the aborted meeting that the Katipunan was not recognized by the revolutionaries in Cavite as a legitimate government. Instead, the establishment of a revolutionary government that would merge the Magdalo and Magdiwang councils into one army and one government and the election of officers was discussed. The proposal to reserve the presidency to Andres Bonifacio, considering he was the Supremo (or President) of the Katipunan was not given due course, which strengthens the fact that the proposed new revolutionary government had nothing to do with the Katipunan.
Moreover, Bonifacio knew and acknowledged that he only had clout among Magdiwang members. Why would he agree to the attempt to unify the two groups if he considered himself already the head of one established government?
Haring Bayan ng Magdiwang
When Bonifacio arrived
in Cavite before Christmas in 1896 (Ricarte[Himagsikan], 31), he was welcomed with a pompous reception and
people shouted, “Long live the king” (Corpuz, 97) He was received in Cavite as the head of the
revolution and his being Supremo of the Katipunan was
recognized. But instead of taking a neutral stance, he sided with
the Magdiwang council where he was given the title of Haring Bayan (did
it mean Sovereign Nation or King of a nation? – VCL), and the former chief,
Mariano Alvarez, was relegated to second in command, Vir-Rey or Pangalawang
Haring Bayan (Ronquillo,140)
Why would the townspeople look at Bonifacio as a king? And why did the Magdiwangs call him Haring Bayan? The answer: there is nothing in the consciousness of the people or the Magdiwangs about the concept of a state or a republic, and the only thing they knew was a government similar to a monarchy headed by a king, like the Spanish monarchy. This ignorance is cited by Taylor when he said:
“The idea of forming a republic or of adopting the titles appropriate to a republic to designate the functionaries of Malay despotism was an afterthought. The men who, in August, 1896, raised the standard of revolt, the fighting men like Bonifacio and Aguinaldo, did not know enough of the outside world to realize its expediency. Aguinaldo learned it when he was joined by men who had read the history of France and Spain. They found it was expedient to cover their system of absolutism with the name of a republic. It was probably a republic as they understood it, but there seems no reason for doubting that in September, 1896, Vito Belarmino, . . . called himself Vito, viceroy of Silang . . . and to the very end of the so-called Filipino republic the “royal family” was a common form of reference . . . and over again the orders of the President of the Republic were spoken of by his followers as “royal decrees”” (Taylor,1:68)
The title of Bonifacio
as Supremo or King of the nation (Haring Bayan) did not equate to the
position of a President of a state or republic as the term is understood
today. The president of a country is always elected whether it be a
revolutionary, a sovereign nation, or a state, or a
republic. Authority could be claimed, and one could proclaim himself
president or a group could hand him the title, but these are actions of a
monarch, a dictator or a warlord, not by a president.
It is true that Bonifacio was elected president of the Katipunan in 1893, but this did not automatically make him president of the Philippines, because if that were so, then the title of first president should go to Deodato Arellano. That is why the establishment of the revolutionary government was made at the Tejeros Convention on March 22, 1897, because according to Severino de las Alas the Katipunan was neither a republic nor a monarchy (Corpuz, 120), and from Antonio Montenegro, if they would not agree on the kind of revolutionary government they were to have and that if they were to let the status quo prevail, then they who were in the revolution would be no better than a pack of bandits or of wild, mindless animals, a comment that caused an uproar. (Alvarez, 84)
But take note, even Bonifacio himself did not claim he was President of the Philippines or of the revolutionary government. Recall that when he declared the convention and all that had been agreed null and void this is what he said:
“I, in my capacity as president of this convention, and also as president of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, which all of you are aware, I declare this convention terminated and all that were taken up and agreed upon null and void” (Translated from Tagalog in Ronquillo, 54)
Bonifacio did not
mention that he also had authority being the president of the revolutionary
government, or of the Sovereign Nation, or of the
Philippines. Clearly, he knew that there was no revolutionary
government existing or a Philippine government that may be called as such and
he could not be a president of a government that has not been established yet.
But in the end, Bonifacio started calling himself president of the Sovereign Tagalog Nation (Pangulo ng Haring Bayang Katagalugan). The new title of Bonifacio could be seen in an order that he issued on April 19, 1897, appointing Emilio Jacinto as the chief of the forces north of Manila. (Ronquillo, 79)
This happened after the
Tejeros elections. It can be inferred that the government of the
Sovereign Tagalog Nation was a concoction of Bonifacio, something he thought of
using as an alternative to the revolutionary government established in Tejeros.
The Tejeros Elections
The first-ever election
to elect a Filipino President was held on March 22, 1897, amidst the revolution
against Spain at the Casa Hacienda in Tejeros, San Francisco de Malabon,
Cavite, the only liberated province at that time. Emilio Aguinaldo of the
Katipunan Magdalo council was elected en absentia President of the
Revolutionary Government that was established during the convention. The secret
balloting results showed Aguinaldo with 146 votes, Andres Bonifacio 80 and
Mariano Trias 30 (May, 105).
The election was marred by disorder because Daniel Tirona questioned the qualification of Bonifacio for the lowest position he was eventually elected to which from indications was a show of condescension and appeasement for his successive loss in the previous two or three higher positions. Angered by Tirona’s actions, Bonifacio pulled out his revolver and aimed at Tirona, who was quick to lose himself in the crowd. Santiago Rillo, the head of the Batangas delegation asked Bonifacio to continue with the convention and accept his election, but Bonifacio refused and instead declared the convention of no force and effect. At this point, Rillo chastised Bonifacio, saying:
"Sir, you have no right nor power to render null and void the election of our General Assembly and if you refused to accept your election in the position or reconsider your decision to leave, I, Colonel Santiago Rillo, with the consent of this assembly, is taking over your chairmanship in order to continue with the meeting. (Translated from Ronquillo, 58)After Bonifacio left, Rillo addressed the delegates, viz:
“Everybody knows . . . our loyalty to the founder of the Katipunan and Magdiwang; but if, against all reason, the result of an election so thoroughly agreed upon between all is to be invalidated, we, the Batanguenos, will impose it by force, and we will do it alone, if the sons of Cavite will not respect it.” (De los Santos, 53)
The delegates from
Central Luzon supported the position taken by Rillo which led to his being
granted the authority to take over the presidency of Bonifacio and preside over
the convention, and this paved the way for the confirmation of what had been
agreed upon, namely, the establishment of the revolutionary government and the
election of the officers.
Bonifacio saw that his null and void declaration of the convention was not respected. So, he took steps to invalidate the results of the elections and regain his authority which was slowly slipping away through his fingers. Here are the steps he took:
FIRST ATTEMPT: The day after the elections he ordered all those elected to vacate their posts because according to him the elections were marred by cheating. The order was contained in a document called Acta de Tejeros (Richardson, 320-327) signed by Bonifacio and more than forty members of the Magdiwang council. But the order was ignored. (Alvarez, 323)
It is puzzling that Bonifacio raised the issue of cheating only after the elections. Why did he not bring it up during the elections so that the charge would have been investigated right there and then and remedied? This shortcoming of Bonifacio is proof that the claim of cheating was an afterthought and his own idea.
The claim that there was cheating is really difficult to believe considering that Bonifacio’s group, the Magdiwang council, initiated the convention in their own turf; Bonifacio presided; Ricarte, a Bonifacio avid supporter was the secretary of the convention who distributed the ballots. Most of the delegates were members of the Magdiwang council. Only 8 delegates represented the Magdalo council because their members were all gathered on the battlefield, assigned to defend Pasong Santol, in the town of Dasmarinas, to ward off the impending attack by the Spaniards. In addition, all the seats were won by Magdiwang, except for the presidency which was won by Aguinaldo, because Trias, the elected vice president was formerly a Magdiwang, before he moved over to the Magdalo council.
SECOND ATTEMPT: When the cheating charge failed to accomplish anything, Bonifacio next accused Aguinaldo of intending to surrender the revolution. He launched a coup d’etat through a document called Acta de Naic (Richardson,355-377) which was signed by more than 40 Magdiwang members including two generals of Aguinaldo, namely, Generals Mariano Noriel and Pio del Pilar. Unfortunately, by some stroke of fate, Aguinaldo got wind of it and proceeded to the meeting place to investigate. He found out that a number of troops were being detained under orders of Bonifacio and as soon as Aguinaldo had them released, the plotters left hurriedly in separate directions. (Saulo[Emilio], 141-143) Instead of going after the plotters Aguinaldo forgave them and tried to win them back to join the new government which most of them did like Jacinto Lumbreras, Mariano Alvarez, Severino de las Alas and Pascual Alvarez. (Saulo[Emilio], 144)
THIRD ATTEMPT: The last and final attempt Bonifacio did to regain power was establish a separate army. Included in this action was the designation of Emilio Jacinto as the president of the forces north of Manila as previously mentioned above.
However, in his headquarters in Limbon, Bonifacio was unable to recruit soldiers to constitute his army, except his old buddies from Balara, and not one general from the Magdiwang or Magdalo joined him. (Corpuz, 128) When Severino de las Alas complained to Aguinaldo about the threat Bonifacio made to burn the town of Indang and the firefight that occurred between Bonifacio’s group and the arresting government soldiers, Aguinaldo was forced to issue the arrest order for Bonifacio which led to his trial, guilty a verdict of treason, death sentence, and death by shooting. (Corpuz, 124)
It is important to take note of the fact that no one from the Magdiwang council tried to help Bonifacio. The officers of the Magdiwang council who used to support Bonifacio accepted positions in the new government offered by Aguinaldo. The ordinary townsfolk also refused to help Bonifacio as shown in the case of the people of Indang who refused to provide him with food and supplies, was the reason for the complaint of Severino de las Alas. (Alvarez, 332)
There is no other election on record that will give the title of first President of the Philippines except the one at Tejeros. This matter strengthens the contention that Aguinaldo is truly the first President of the Philippines. Those who continue to push for Bonifacio as the first President of the Revolutionary Government are trying to change history and this act is clearly coming from those uneasy sectors of our society who have a self-serving selfish interests to propagate.
Recognition of Aguinaldo as First President
The present generation
should be made to understand that the decision of our ancestors could no longer
be disturbed. They have the right to choose who should lead them and
any attempt by the present generation to alter the events is a dishonor to
their memory and a travesty to our heroes who sacrificed so much to gain the
freedom we enjoy today. Aguinaldo was elected as president twice,
once at Tejeros and then at Malolos.
The presidency of Aguinaldo was recognized and lasted from March 22, 1897 to March 23, 1901 – from Tejeros, to Biak-na-Bato, to Hong Kong, to his return to the Philippines to renew the revolution, to Malolos, to the war against the Americans, to the mountains of Cordillera, unto Palanan, Isabela, where he was captured by the Americans.
President Aguinaldo is officially recognized as the first President of the Philippines. Isagani R. Medina, the editor of the book of Carlos Ronquillo entitled Ilang Talata Tungkol sa Paghihimagsik nang Taong 1896-1897, says that this was the position of authoritative government historical institutions when he said:
“The stand of the National Historical Institute and National Committee on Historial Research of the National Commission for Culture and Arts in 1993 about the recognition of General Emilio Aguinaldo as the first President of the Philippine Republic (Haringbayang Katagalugan) and not Andres Bonifacio as President of Haring Bayan only proves that honor be given to the president of the Philippines who was the subject of inumerable slanderous accusations. It is the stand of both the National Research Institute and National Committee on Historical Research that we could no longer alter the events regarding the said killing by shooting of Andres Bonifacio which was done through a death sentence handed down by a court process which Aguinaldo convened a hundred years ago.” (Translated from Tagalog in Ronquillo,8)
The following excerpts
are some remarks that showcase Aguinaldo as the recognized first President of
the Philippines:
1. “Carrying out this resolution, he (Aguinaldo) soon raised a native force strong enough to invest Manila by land, while Dewey blockaded it with his warship. And, late in June, though without any official recognition from the Amerian admiral, the fiery Filipinos formally declared the islands free and independent and elected Aguinaldo as their first President.” [underlining supplied] – (Bruce, Addington, “The Romance of the American Expansion,” Moffat Yard & Co., New York, 1909, p. 200)
2. “. . . from the story of General Emilio Aguinaldo, the first President of the short-lived Philippine Republic, whose power as a dictator developed in the following manner.” [underlining supplied] – (Diamonon, Victoriano D., “The Development of Self-Government in the Philippine Island,” University of Iowa, 1920 p. 155)
3. “Aguinaldo, Emilio, Filipino general and statesman, first president of the Philippine Republic; his military gifts. . .” [underlining supplied] – (Russell, Charles Edward, “The Hero of the Filipinos,” The Century Co., New York, and London, 1923, p. 383)
4. “A general assembly of revolutionary leaders was called for March 12, 1897 (sic), to form a provisional government. It is likely that Bonifacio expected he would be chosen first President of the Philippine Republic. Instead, young General Aguinaldo was elected President, and Mariano Trias Vice-President.” [underlining supplied] – (Russell, Charles Edward, “The Outlook for the Philippines,” New York, 1922, p. 103)
5. “The Spaniards successfully defeated, Aguinaldo had without protest from the Americans proclaimed himself First President of the Philippine Republic, appointed the great officers of the State formed a National Assembly and levied a poll tax on the whole population throughout the islands. Further, his troops, which were officially declared to number 50,000, hemmed in Manila on every side with a chain of offensive outpost. The Americans, on the other hand, held only Manila and Cavite with 21,000 men, and were, except in name, practically shut up in those places.” [underlining supplied] – (Younghusband, G.C., “The Philippines and Round About with some account of British Interest in these Waters,” McMillan & Co., Ltd., London & New York, 1899, p. 158)
SOURCES:
1. Alvarez, Santiago V.: "Recalling the Revolution", translated by Paula Carolina S. Malay, University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Ateneo de Manila Press, 1992;
2. Corpus, Onofre D: "Saga and Triumph", University of the Philippines Press, 2002;
3. May, Glenn Anthony: "Inventing a Hero", University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, New Day Publishers, 1996;
4. Richardson, Jim: "The Light of Liberty", Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2013;
5. Ronquillo, Carlos: "Ilang Talata Tungkol sa Paghihimagsik nang 1896-1897", translated by Isagani R. Medina, University of the Philippines Press, 1996;
6. Taylor, John M.: "Philippine Insurrection Against the United States", a Compilation of Documents with Notes and Introduction, Eugenio Lopez Foundation, Pasay City, 5 volumes, 1970, and
7. Zafra, Nicolas: "Riptide to Tejeros", ‘The Making of a Nation", Filipino Heritage, Lahing Pilipino Publishing, Inc. Philippine Copyright, vol. 8, 1978.
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